Virginia Marie Burnadette Kehoe Foley celebrates **th birthday.   With a country-style Besthesda event attended by sons, grandkids, neices, nephews, and hubby.  Recounted was her lifetime achievement spanning the 'roaring 20's, Depression, WWII, law libraian with Wild Bill Donavan, world-travelling military spouse, and real estate agent in the Washington, DC metro area.  We love you and we dig you!  Slainte agus alagat!

James Kehoe Baptismal Record Located

Founded by Jesuits in 1733, Old Saint Joseph's Church is the oldest Catholic community in Philadelphia. The baptismal records of the first 6 children of John Kehoe and Mary Dunn are here. For James Kehoe the entry reads: "James George Washington Kehoe, baptized May 28, 1876, son of John Kehoe and Mary Dunn, sponsors William McHenry and Elleanora Connelly, baptized by P. Duddy, S.J.".

Song of the Wandering Aengus by WB Yeats

I went out to the hazel wood,
Because a fire was in my head,
And cut and peeled a hazel wand,
And hooked a berry to a thread;

And when white moths were on the wing,
And moth-like stars were flickering out,
I dropped the berry in a stream
And caught a little silver trout.

When I had laid it on the floor
I went to blow the fire a-flame,
But something rustled on the floor,
And some one called me by my name:
It had become a glimmering girl
With apple blossom in her hair
Who called me by my name and ran
And faded through the brightening air.

Though I am old with wandering
Through hollow lands and hilly lands,
I will find out where she has gone,
And kiss her lips and take her hands;
And walk among long dappled grass,
And pluck till time and times are done
The silver apples of the moon,
The golden apples of the sun.

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Secret of Jackson's Landing

Gripping, poignant, a pageantry of college life, suburbia, study-a-broad (literally) programs in Europe, all set against the backdrop of Nixon-era politics, and time travel to the Underground RailRoad and Revolutionary War on Long Island.

A first work by the author.Hailed by critics as a"must reread" followed by "two thumbs up"  Wet your whistle on tantalizing extract below.  Link to complete text follows at end.

But six years later the prospect of a return to the despair of the past was again upon them. Ultimately the war went badly for the British, culminating in the defeat at Yorktown two years before.  With the recent signing of the Treaty of Paris, they were pulling out of their former colonies and evacuating the port of New York. Once Again the fate of escaped slaves was uncertain, as General Washington demanded that all such persons be turned over to his Continental army, with the purpose of returning them to their masters.  A wave of panic swept across the city, affecting especially fugitive slaves but even free people of color.  At night the campfires of Washington's army could be seen on the west bank of the Hudson, ominous signals of its inevitable entry into the city in triumph.  Many loyalists made plans to flee with the army, and the royal government made the decision to evacuate 3,000 Negroes, depending on levels of service render during the war. People would need the necessary papers to board the ships, around which were now posted armed guards to prevent stowaways.

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HUAC Testimony of Joseph Francis Kehoe

TESTIMONY OF JOSEPH KEHOE, INTERNATIONAL SECRETARY-TREASURER OF THE AMERICAN COMMUNICATIONS ASSOCIATION, CIO

Mr. Kehoe. I am Joseph Kehoe, international secretary-treasurer of the American Communications Association, CIO.
The Chairman. Identify your association, please, so that we know just what it is.
Mr. Kehoe. The American Communications Association, CIO is the collective-bargaining representative for communications workers in the various sections of the communications industry of this country.
The Chairman. Where is it located?
Mr. Kehoe. The main offices are located in New York, sir. It is a national organization.
Senator Langer. How many members?
Mr. Kehoe. Twenty thousand members.
The Chairman. And your position?
Mr. Kehoe. International Secretary-treasurer.
The Chairman. All right. Carry on.
Do you have a statement?
Mr. Kehoe. I have some notes, and part of a statement, sir.
Our organization has consistently, over the years, fought for the protection and extension of our civil liberties, because of the keen appreciation that a free labor movement can only flourish and grow in a context of the growth of democratic rights, and that the restriction and destruction of democratic rights of any group in the society inevitably results in the destruction of the civil rights of trade unions and their consequent decline.
We have been very concerned, since the conclusion of the war, with the growth of attacks against the labor movement. These attacks have taken a form of direct attacks on the economic front against trade unions, taken the form of injunction proceedings, police brutality, the passage in many States of restrictive antilabor legislation, and culminated in the political sense in the enactment of the Taft-Hartley law by the Congress of the United States. Typical of the attacks against the labor movement were the recent actions taken against the railroad unions, the persecution of the United Mine Workers of America, in their efforts to obtain a pension, the physical attacks against the packinghouse workers who were striking for wage increases recently throughout the country. There are other evidences of these.
This pattern that we are in, which we are concerned about, is a pattern which roughly parallels 'the pattern of attacks against the labor movement that took place at the conclusion of World War I; wherein labor unions were confronted with an open shop drive on the part of industry, unions in many national industries were smashed and broken, the membership of the trade union movement declined disastrously. and the living standards of the people were consequently adversely affected.
At that time we had likewise a certain hysteria in the country, with charges of radicalism against the labor movement, which were expressed in the Palmer raids, deportations, mass arrests, the Sacco and Vanzetti case, and many other things of that type.
At that time, just as now, in our opinion, these types of attacks were a smoke screen to cover an attack against the organized labor movement.
We believe that the Taft-Hartley law, and this is the unanimous opinion of the labor movement-is an infamous enactment, the ultimate result of which will be to so seriously weaken the collective bargaining position of labor as to in fact destroy its effectiveness as the guardian of the living standards of the people.
Obviously, the Taft-Hartley law is a political act, and the only effective resistance to the attacks on the labor movement that are being launched today would require political activity. We believe that the Mundt bill is the other barrel of the gun leveled at organized labor to paralyze and prevent the political activity on the part of the labor movement, so necessary to cope with this developing pattern of attacks against the labor movement.
There is another thing that concerns labor movement in this country. We hope that we shall be able to learn the bitter lessons that came from the experiences of the labor movement in other countries. And we find that where the Red scare has become a national hysteria, enactments of the type of the Mundt bill have been legislated, and the attack ultimately resulted in complete destruction of the trade-union movement.
Senator Ferguson. Is there a labor trade union movement in Communist Russia?
Mr. Kehoe. There is, sir, yes.
Senator Ferguson. Do they have the capacity to strike!
Mr. Kehoe. According to the reports of the officials of the CIO, of which our organization is a member, who have visited Soviet Russia
and have visited the trade unions there, and have reported to our organizations, they are a free and powerful labor movement.
Senator Ferguson. Well, but can they striker Can they do that, in their collective bargaining with the Government Have they ever
struck, or can they strike!
The Chairman. And do they collectively bargain?
Mr. Kehoe. They do have collective bargaining. That is my understanding.
Senator Ferguson. With the Soviet Union?
Mr. Kehoe. Yes. They have collective bargaining agreements.
According to the information I have, they have collective bargaining agreements.
Senator Ferguson. Have they ever struck to get a point?
Mr. Kehoe. I am not familiar with that. I have never been there. Those who have been there, many of whom have not been sympathetic
with the Soviet Union, tell us they are a free labor union.
Senator Ferguson. How can you tell us much about communism, if you cannot tell us what they can do?
Have you read the preamble, the findings of fact and policy, in the bill?
Mr. Kehoe. Yes, I have.
Senator Ferguson. And do you agree that communism is a menace in America?
382
Mr. Kehoe. No, I don't, sir. I will tell you what the real menace is in this country. It is the huge corporate profits, which mounted in 1947 to $17,500,000,00, three and a half times greater than any single peacetime year in our history; and It is the growth of monopoly, and the consequent growth in political power, to amount, in this country, to a complete domination in many walks of life.
Senator Ferguson. You are an officer in your union?
Mr.Kehoe. That is right, sir.
Senator Ferguson. Have you signed one of these non-Communist Affidavits?
Mr. Kehoe. No, sir. The policy of our organization, as democratically determined by our membership, was not to file those affidavits.
Senator Ferguson. Are you a member of the party?
Mr. Kehoe. I would feel honored, sir, to associate my reaction to that question with that of Paul Robeson.
Senator Ferguson. You refuse to answer?
Mr. Kehoe. That is right, sir.
Senator Ferguson. I am sorry we do not have a quorum here, as we did not have this 'morning.
The Chairman. Well now, in relation to that statement of $17,000,000,000 of profits, I have seen that, sir. But do you know that
industry, in order to get its house in order, not only spent the seventeen, but had to borrow four or five billion dollars more in order to
put it back into plants, so that jobs and industry could be gotten going?
I do not care to get into the economic argument. I want you to consider this bill, and I want you to tell us where definitely it is wrong, if, in your judgment, it is wrong, and whether or not in your judgement your man, Mr. Murray, the head of the CIO, is not himself fighting communism in your own ranks.
Mr. Kehoe. You see, sir, in this country prior to an enactment such as this----
The Chairman. Well, is Mr. Murray doing that?
Mr. Kehoe. That is correct. A man has a right in this country to his political views. He has a right to be a bitter anti-Communist. He has a right to be a Communist, a pro-Communist, a 1-percent Communist, a 6-percent Socialist, or anything he wishes.
The Chairman. There is nothing in that bill to prohibit him from being a Communist.
Mr. Kehoe. Yes, there is, sir.
The Chairman. What is it?
Mr. Kehoe. This bill definitely is designed to control the thought and the views of the American people.
Senator Ferguson. What difference do you have with the views of the Communists? Do you have different views than they have?
Mr. Kehoe. I just would like to finish my thought on that. In the definitions of the term "Communist political organization,"
one of the aims is that regard be given to--
the extent and nature of Its activities, Including the expression of views and policies.
383
And in (C), it says:
The extent to which its views and policies are the same as those of such foreign government, or foreign organization;

and then, under (D),
the extent to which It supports or advocates * * *
and in the definition of---
Communist-front organization,

it says:
the position taken or advanced by It from time to time on matters of policy.

Senator Ferguson. What would you say about living up to this law if it was passed and declared constitutional by the Supreme Court?
Would you or would you not line up to it?
Mr. Kehoe. In what sense, sir
Senator Ferguson. In any way I Would you obey it, or would you refuse to obey it I
Mr. Kehoe. I don't understand whether this would be a personal choice under this act.
Senator Ferguson. Every man has a personal choice, does he not, as to whether or not he wants to violate a law I
Mr. Kehoe I believe that every man is confronted continually in life with a moral choice every day of the week, on all kinds of questions. A moral man makes these decisions on principle, whether it is easy or hard.
Senator Ferguson. That is on the principle. What is your principle as to whether or not you would be it?
Mr. Kehoe. In my opinion this bill violates the very fundamental thing upon which this country was founded, which made it great.
Senator Ferguson. Can you answer that question I
Mr. Kehoe. I would personally--and I am not speaking, of course, in a representative capacity when I say this, because you are asking me
a personal question- would personally feel it correct and honorable to personally oppose to the full extent of my ability anything which
I felt was violative of my fundamental principles.
Senator Ferguson. That does not answer the question. Would you or would you not feel that you would violate this?
Mr. Kehoe. It depends on the circumstances, which I am confronted with. Whatever enactment is passed, I will make my choice based upon my principles. And my principles on the basis of this draft legislation which is before us here are that I would not be a party to supporting it by complying with it; just as certain Americans did not support or comply with the alien-sedition laws and just as certain Germans did not comply with the enactments of the Third Reich.
Senator Ferguson. Do you agree with the principles of the Communist Party in America?
Mr. Kehoe. Well, what principles are you speaking of, sir?
Senator Ferguson. You know what an American Communist is, do you not? What do you say he is? Let us have your opinion as to what an American Communist is.
384
Mr. Kehoe. Well, I think Robeson gave a pretty thorough description of what his concept was, and I think mine would roughly parallel
that, from what I have noticed.
Senator Ferguson. Now, do you think, then, that the American Communist, if we went to war with Russia, would fight on America's
Side?
Mr. Kehoe. I don't know, sir, the answer to that question.
Senator Ferguson. If you do not know, then you do not think we ought to have a law like this.
Mr. Kehoe. No. When you ask a question of that type you are asking a question that has no relation to reality, because you are not speaking of the identity of the type of government that exists at the time.
Now, for instance, it was an honor in my opinion, and a sign of great bravery, for Germans to revolt against the war of the Hitler war'
machine in Germany, and likewise for the French people under the Vichy government to become rebellious and join an opposing faction.
So under circumstances, certain circumstances, I think a mail in the South during the Civil War should have fought against his own State
so to speak, and fought on the side of the North. These are moral questions.
A government is composed of people. A government can make mistakes. But we bear individually and collectively the moral responsibility for our Government. And we have to influence it to the extent we can, out of moral responsibility.
Senator Ferguson. Now, does not your statement on what you think the Communists would do indicate that they should not be employed
by the Government
Mr. Kehoe. What did I say? I didn't indicate that I knew what they would do.
Senator Ferguson. I was trying to find out from you what you thought their principles were.
Mr. Kehoe. 1 said that how people, or any given set of people will act under the impact of a specific war is subject to many considerations.
Senator Ferguson. But do you not have doubt that they would fight on America's side, the way you answer?
Mr. Kehoe. Look, I have a doubt that the American Government could declare a war which would be opposed by a majority of the
American people. That is conceivable tinder certain circumstances.
Senator Ferguson. In other words, if they declared war today, you think a majority of the people would not fight on America's side
Mr. Kehoe I am not a psychoanalyst who can say what the American people would do if you declared war today. I know war is very
unpopular today with the American people, and that the American people want peace. And I think you know that too, Senator.
Senator Ferguson. And that is the best that you can answer the question?
Mr. Kehoe That is right, sir. In addition to these facts, one of the most flagrant violations of our traditions involved in this bill is the granting of power to the Attorney General, which has been touched upon by many witnesses here.
385
I think it was Justice Jackson who made this statement, but to me It is a very eloquent expression of the fundamental American approach
to ideas. He said:
If there is any fixed star in our constitutional constellation, It is that no official,
high or petty, can prescribe what shall be orthodox In politics, religion, or other
matters of opinion * * * It there are any circumstances which permit an
exception, they do not occur to us.

And this was, I believe, a relatively recent statement. Tile Supreme
Court, on another occasion, said:
But it cannot be the duty because it is not the right, of tie state to protect the public against false doctrines. The very purpose of the first amendment is to preclude public authority from assuming a guardianship of the public mind through regulating the press, speech, and religion. in this field every person must be his own watchman for truth, because the forefathers did not trust any government to separate the true from the false for us.
Senator Ferguson. Mr. Kehoe, you do not believe, then, that anyone in America should undertake to overthrow the present government and set up a dictatorship under a foreign government, do you?
Mr. Kehoe. Of course, I do not, sir, and I don't think there is any question of that being on the agenda with any group of Americans
today.
Senator Ferguson. That is one of the things prohibited.
Mr. Kehoe. That is right.
Senator Ferguson. Why should not Congress pass that?
Mr. Kehoe. Well, you have today so much legislation. You have espionage laws. You have all the laws that were spoken about by former witnesses, such as the Registration Act, the prohibition against overthrow of the Government by force and violence. You have all these laws, and I am sure with the mood of the present administration, they will very arduously prosecute anybody against whom they can find evidence on any of these counts. And it seems to me that we can't, in the name of saving the United States or saving our American and democratic way of life, destroy it.
Mr Chairman. May I ask some questions about your union?
Mr. Kehoe. Yes, sir.
The Chairman. What does your union control I Do you have control over the major trans-Atlantic cable lines?
Mr. Kehoe. Yes, sir.
Well, I wouldn't say we have control. We represent people employed in operating that kind of communication.
The Chairman. Does your union control radio operators on ships?
Mr. Kehoe. No, not at the present time. There are at the present time negotiations going on for a merger of that group, which was formerly represented by our union, with the National Marine Engineers Beneficial Association.
The Chairman. Are they affiliated with you?
Mr. Kehoe. They have been for some i7 years. But, as I say, there is a reorganization under way.
The Chairman. In the event of war, it is very apparent that these lines of communication will play a vital part. Is that not right?
386
Mr. Kehoe. Yes, Senator, and during the last war, the president of our organization was appointed to the Board of War Communications. Our union did not lose one single day anywhere in its jurisdiction on account of strikes, and it had a perfect record, and was
cited by the Government on many occasions for that record. Our entire convention was invited to Government camps. We were given the highest praise for our endeavor in the last war.
The Chairman. If I understand your position, you feel that the bill itself would interfere with your constitutional right of free
speech. You cited some very dynamic language, that we all can agree with. But you would not say that those principles enunciated in that language would be interpreted to give a basis for someone to undermine or termite the very institutions that you are contending for, would you?
Mr. Kehoe. Well, I would say that I don't think, sir, it could be said any better than it is said here, that-

in this field every person must be his own watchman for truth, because the forefathers did not trust any government to separate the true from the false for us.

Now, obviously, if a man advocates violence publicly in our country, he is subject to being imprisoned for incitement to riot. If a man advocates an act violative of our safety, there are laws to cover that.
The Chairman. So you feel that there is no possibility of undermining or terminating this Government, unless you can do it openly, with the overt act.
Mr. Kehoe. I don't think so, sir, no.
The Chairman. All right.
Mr. Kehoe. Is that all sir?
The Chairman. Are there any questions?
Senator Langer. No questions.
The Chairman. All right, sir. Thank you.
Mr. Kehoe. Thank you.

(Subsequent to the hearings, the following supplemental statement
was received from Mr. Kehoe.)
The American labor movement is presently under severe attack by the monopolists in this country and by their legislative henchmen who are enacting into State and Federal low, statutes designed to cripple the freedom and consequently the bargaining power of the representatives of the wage earners of this country.
The attacks upon the labor movement of the country strike at the very heart of Its vitality as a democracy. The labor movement represents the overwhelming majority of the people. Attacks against the labor movement are carried on under a smoke screen, to hide their real aims. The smoke screen used to hide the attacks against the working people is the smoke screen of the 'red menace.' This Is a time-honored device and was used after the last war in the Palmer raids, mass deportations of aliens, mass arrests, criminal syndicallsm prosecutions. the hanging of Sacco and Vanzetti, etc, all these activities purportedly against radicalism were in truth adjuncts of strikebreaking and union busting offensives which resulted in the smashing of many unions and the reduction of the organized labor movement to impotence. The outgrowth was the depression of 1929, a depression which became world-wide and led ultimately to a world war. Hitler brought this technique to its most horrible development. Under cover of the "red menace" he smashed every vestige of freedom in Germany. These events similarly transpired in Italy and Spain.
We believe that the Mundt-Nixon bill Is part of an attempt to achieve the same objectives, namely, the smashing of the labor movement under the guise of curbing radicalism. This can only lead, as it always has in the past, to disaster to our people and our country.
The Mundt-Nixon bill violates every fundamental American tradition of Justice and freedom. It tears the constitutional fibre of our Nation to shreds. It creates a police state atmosphere in which the thoughts and views of organizations and individuals would be subject to constant governmental scrutiny and possible criminal prosecution. It arrogates to a single man, the Attorney General, the power to decide the fate of organizations and hundreds of thousands of citizens and to proscribe what views and policies may be held by the people. It would legislate the reprehensible concept of guilt by association, thoroughly foreign to our concept of justice. It'would bar from Government employment or from travel, persons whose views and policies may not be approved by the Attorney General, even though such a person might be a native-born American.
The Attorney General under this statute would become a virtual dictator over the thoughts and expression of people, a position paralleled by that held by Heinrich Himmler in Germany.
The bill would place in jeopardy all those who might disagree with Government policy or foreign affairs, housing, Government ownership of public utilities, the Taft-Hartley law, the draft, or racial equality.
In spite of the first amendment to time Constitution and in direct contradiction of it, the bill seeks to abridge the rights of speech and assembly. Peaceful advocacy of Ideas to denied American citizens under this legislation. It would, if enacted, be a bill of attainder. The clear and present danger to our American way of life is In the Inordinate profits of the great monopolies in this country, which has resulted in a terrible decline of living standards and dangerous inflation, and which presages the onset if not corrected, of a greater depression than any ever experienced in the past. The danger arises out of those who advocate a path of foreign conquest and war, in our country. The danger emanates from those who advocate racial supremacy and promote great chauvinistic movements of anti-Semitic, anti-Negro, and anti-Catholic character. The danger arises from those arrogant monopolists who deny American wage earners a fair share of the fruits of their labor and bring to bear against the workers a whole arsenal of antilabor attacks such as police brutality, labor espionage, strikebreaking injunctions, mass firings and other forms of terror and intimidation.
If the Congress is concerned about the clear and present danger to our American way of life they should immediately enact legislation designed to curb the power of American monopoly, legislation to promote racial equality in the country, and in particular the antilynching bill. They should become a force for peace, and a bridle upon those who advocate war of conquest foreign to our philosophy. They should enact legislation designed to curb rising prices andto provide health insurance and adequate housing. These the American people need; the American people do not need and will never accept supervision of their speech and thought or abridgment of their right to peaceably assemble or petition the Government for redress of their grievances. They will never submit to anything which would prohibit them from the peaceful advocacy of views and policies designed to promote the welfare of the Nation, regardless of how a party in power, or an Attorney General, might disagree with such ideas.

Original Document

Ballymackeogh on Google Maps

Greetings, pilgrim, you search has ended. Ballymackeogh, the ancestral lands of the Kehoe family has been located on Google Maps. Is nothing sacred! Go there before it's spoiled. Head to Limerick and make a left.

Long Gone and Mostly Forgotten

Here's some ancient history.

Researchers used books by O'Hart, McLysaght, and O'Brien, the Four Masters, baptismals, parish records, and ancient land grants, and found that the family name, Kehoe, was first revealed in Tipperary where they had been seated from ancient times at Ballymackeogh, and were descended from the MacKeoghs who in turn were descended from their eponymous ancestor, Eochaidh O'Kelly, one of the ancient Kings of Ui Maine.

Many variations in spelling were found. The surname was from time to time spelt Hoey, O'Hoey, Hoy, Hue, Kehoe, Keogh, MacKeogh, Keough, and these changes in spelling frequently occurred, even between father and son. Also translations from the Gaelic varied, and there were preferences for different spelling variations, usually from a division of the family, or for religious reasons, or sometimes fro patriotic reasons. Church officials and scribes spelt the name as it sounded, sometimes different was in the lifetime of the same person.

Traditionally, the ancient Kings of Ireland were descended from King Milesius of Spain, the grandson of Breoghan (Brian), King of Galicia, Andalusia, Murcia, Castile, and Portugal. Milesius, a great general/king, was instrumental in defending Egypt from the King of Ethiopia. Milesius turned his attention northward to Ireland to fulfill an ancient Druidic prophecy. He sent an army to explore this fertile island. On finding that his son had been murdered by the three resident Irish Kings (the Danans), Milesius gathered another army to take his revenge on the Irish. He died before he embarked on the trip. His remaining eight sons conquered Ireland.

Heremon, eldest son of Milesius, reigned in Ireland for fourteen years, along with his brothers Heber, Ir, and Ithe, They named the land Scota or Scotia, their mother's name , in the land of the Scots. This name would later be taken by the Irish King Colla in 357 when he was exiled to Scotland, leaving the name 'Ir-land', land of Ir, youngest of the four sons of milesius, to the Emerald Isle. The four Irish kingdoms eventually broke into five separate nations under the High King, or Ard Righ. These royal lines would later produce such great Kings as the 4th century King Niall of the Nine Hostages who died in France while cutting off the retreat of the Romans from Britain, and King Brian Boru, who died in the Battle of Clontarf in 1014, finally expelling the Vikings from Dublin and Ireland.

This great Gaelic family, Kehoe, emerged in later years in Tipperary. They were also the lords of Magh Finn in their territory of Moyfinn in the barony of Athlone, county Roscommon, known as Keogh's or Hoey's Country. Keoghville, in the parish of Taghmaconnell, took its name from them. The name is chiefly found in the county of Leinster, but they also held lands in county, Wexford. They were hereditary bards to the O'Byrnes, and with them migrated in mediaeval times from north Kildare to county Wicklow and later to county Wexford. Maolmuire MacKeogh, sometimes called Hoey, was chief professor of poetry in Leinster in 1534. John keogh, 1653-1725, was a mathematician of note. Matthew Keogh was hanged in 1798 for his prominent part in the '98 Insurrection. John Cashel Hoey, 1828-1893, was editor of the "Nation", his wife Frances Sarah Hoey was a successful and prolific novelist. Prominent amongst the family at this time was John Keogh, Mathematician.

A succession of invasions troubled the Irish people. Strongbow in 1172, Cromwell in the 17th century, and then came the devastation of the great potato famine in 1845, all caused continued widespread misery and poverty, and the exodus from Ireland began, first a trickle, then a flood. Fifty years after the famine, the last straw, the population was reduced to less than half.

Irish clansman joined the armada of sailing ships which sailed from Belfast, Dublin, Cork, Holyhead, Liverpool, and Glasgow, many bound for the New World, some to Australia.

In North America some of the first migrants which could be considered kinsmen of the sept, Hoy, of that same family were James Hoey who settled in Charles Town, S. C. in 1772; followed by William Hoey in 1803; Charles, Dennis, John, Michael, Thomas, and William Hoey, all settled in Philadelphia, P. A. between 1840 and 1877; A. T. Hoy settled in San Francisco, Cal. in 1850; David, Francis, Jacob, James, John, Owen, Patrick, and Robert Hoy arrived in Philadelphia between 1766 and 1850; Jeremiah, John, Martin, Michael, Thomas Keogh all arrived in Philadelphia between 1795 and 1860; John Keogh landed in New York State in 1854; Hillip and William Keho landed in Pennsylvania in 1772 and 1830; Ambrose, Dennis, George, James, John, Martin, Patrick, Phillip Kehoe who all landed in Philadelphia, Pa. between 1830 and 1866; John Kehoe landed in Boston in 1822; Philip Kehoe landed in New York State in the same year; James Mckeogh landed in Philadelphia in 1842. In Newfoundland, Edward Keogh, born in the county, Wexford, settled at Stone Island in 1816; the family also settled in Petty Harbour, Sutton's Parish, Plate Cove, Bonavista, Fogo, Bell Isle, Newfoudland and many, many more spots.